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^'K.:,^//^:^: 



AN 

ORATION, 

DELIVERED 

AT THB 

MEETING-EOUSE 

IN 

BENNINGTON, 

ON THE 

Uh of Jult/, 1806. 

'.' A cause like otirs is its own j,?.cramcnt! 
*• Truth, justice, reason, \^s and liberty, 
*' The eternal links that cla&p,th,c world are in it, 
" And he who breaks their sanation, breaks all law 
" And infinireconneflion.'^-HEN'RYBROOKE. 



BENNINGTON : 

PRINTED BY BENJAMIN SMEAD, 






341 



Shiran «•••** •«•••••• *««1i 4VOVCV* /t«rS ?»5r«iwi t7i« ttwiniH 

Bennington, Atb July, 1806. 

Sir, 

In compliance withthe unanimous 
vote of the Gentlemen asiLembled at 
the State- Arms Hall, we have the 
pleasure of presenting you their 
thanks for your Oration, this day 
delivered, and request a copy for the 
press, that others with them may 
be benefited by the instru6\ion it 
contains. 

JVd are^ "VDiih sentiments cf cordial esteem^ 
Sit; YourSf 



.\ 



DAVID ROBINSON 

BENJAMIN FAbSET, (^ Committee of 
WM. HENRY, j'ln. i Arrangements, 

ANDREW SELI3ENJ 
ORSAMUS C. MERRILL, Esq. 



AN ORATION. 



THE spirit of our celebration istherehsarsaf 
of the testimony of our political redemption, 
an4 of the duties essential to the preservation of 
the institution?, resulting, from it in a chain of 
events. 

While Liberty remains an objefl of our desije 
and love, the way and price of our redemption, 
how the Heroes looked, how they felt, and how 
they a^ed, will be interesting ;— and while in 
these things, we take an interest, the day of our 
festival will be particularhv ^nd invariably 
distinguished — we shall assemble in commemo- 
ration of it, and think our time and property 
better appropriated, than in building proud 
mausoleums, or erecting marble pillars of 
remembrance. — Our meetings once a year, will 
be living, animated, glowiag testimonials of our 
national nativity, and of our gratitude to the 
great and good Being, whose propitious provi- 
dence has appointed for us a select a-nd vast 
congregalion of blessings, flawing free as living 



— 4 

and limpid streams, from social and religious 
libeny, and from a soil and clime produ6tive 
and salubrious. 

The Declaration of Independence^ whicii has 
been read, vas, to England, a solemn and 
impressive commentary on the folly and ridicu- 
lous vanity of their proceedings — to us, it is a 
lucid memorial of the motives which awoke 
those manly exertions, that gave birth to a 
Republic — It is an intelligent witness, a sum- 
mary and comprehensive rehearsal, of the pride 
and insolence of our revolutionary adversary. 

Antecedent to our Independence, the kingdom 
of England had arisen to the zenith of its po>ver, 
both in the old world and the new — they boasted. 

prerogative in every clime Filled with their 

greatnes?, and because we were descendants of 
their is!c,thty presumed to do more than decimate 
the fruits of American industry, ti.ey presumed 
to "bind us in all cases whatsoever." — Bjt the 
plenitude of kingly omnipotence was in'iufficient 
to effeft it, by sophistry and stratagem. 

In the vinJi(f>ive paroxisms of their exasper- 
ated pride, they meditated and matured the 
projc<5l of driving Liberty, by force, from this 
her last asylum — of driving her from the woody, 
shores of Americn, to- wander again upon the 



5— 
earth, without any fixed abode,, as a fcrlorn and 
unfriended fugitive. 

The Genius of Liberty saw, with sensibility, 
the unwelcon)e crisis approaching, and wept for 
the sufferings of Amenca — She wept, that her 
footsteps should be wet with the blood of her 
followers ! 

The armaments of the enemy came to our 
land — their vassals and mercenaries commenced 
the bloody work. Wretched and menacing 
was the aspect of the times. The hardy disci- 
ples, and choice spirits of Liberty, met the onset 
onappalled— -they never bowed to their fears :-- 
Yet they were not trained or inured to war; 
and under the guidance of their Chief, prudently 
aftcd on the defensive ; they kept aloof, like 
retiring winds, to renew and recruit their 
strength. The temporary consequence was, a^i 

•apparent success to the arms of Biitain. But 

while their official minions were mounting the 
highest pinnacle of exultation, and saw, m fancy, 
the tents of America in affli(5tion, the people 
scattered, and fieeing to their mountains for 
refuge, or imploring the clemency of their 
conquerors, on terms of unconditional submis- 
•sion— that Power, at whose behest '* dread 
•ehunders roll and livid lightnings piny "—.that: 



—6 

Power, whose fnsndly omniscient eye behol(Si 
the form and pressure of every swift conlin- 
gencc — brholds all the successive ties of natural 
and moral a£^ion, down the long series ofevent- 
ful vears — that sovereign, mighty Power, com- 
missioned the spirit of '76, to speak- tire bol4 
accents of Liberty, to proclaim to the king of 
the isles, and the world, that the kingdom had 
departed from Britain, and the people of fertile 
America — were free — were sovereign — were 
independent ! 

These are the events we commemorate ; they 
are distant, and f)ow seen through the vista of 
years; but whenever we meditate rpon themf 
we do well to reflect, they were the offspring of 
the understanding and virtue of the American 
people, a nation the immorTal Sovereign of earth 
and heaven in mercy delights to honor. 

These things are familiar to ynu all ; yet tl>e 
spirit of Independence, who will lead the g'^ne- 
rations on to higher and more charming scenes 
of freedom, delights to lead her votaries thro' 
the rolls of history and of memory, to the deeds 
cf their fathers — But they are so engraven on the 
heart, so frequcniiy bro't in review before Ui, 
and io congenial to the benevolent mi«d, that fJ 
ihrv need onlv to be nlla:/ivclv mentioned, to be 



7— 

felt and understood in ali their details — T say^ 
to the affectionate Republican, a bare allusion 
to them, speaks to his heart in natural and pre- 
vailing pathos— He feels the throb of affet^ion, 
for the institutions which w<^rethe result of their 

toil ap.d labor, their privations and d<ingcrs 

He feels his political existence entwined with 
ihese events, these institutions, and their lively 
remembrance — He loves the exhllirating and 
Cfiastening influence of the spirit of Independ- 
ence, and his tho'ts in h«mility ascend to the 
pure source from whence it emanates, the throne 
of GOD. Returning back to earth, his soul 
looks forth from the clouds of prejudice, in all 
the majesty and loveliness of a<^ive philanthropy, 
and contemplates its diffusion and perpetuation 
as a paramount duty, and tiie performance of 
this duty, the genuine effusion of gratitude to 
that Power, which made the happiness of man 
commensurate with its prevalence. 

Thus felt our renowned Ancestors, and they 
followed the divine impulse. They were unitev; 
and resolute, wise and prescient ; and were 
permitted to fill up the measure of their useful- 
ness — they .finished the politic.iI work they lisd 
to de. 



— 8 

Their energies were first dire<?\'cd t© the 
wresting of the sceptre of /n^blic Jtoiver from the- 
grasp of tyranny — they did it. Their next step 
was to place this power high above, and secure 
from, the reach of sudden innovation — ihey did 
it — they plated il in the hearts of the freemen 
of America; and they made this deposit, with 
high aiiuriiiice, and for the express purpose that 
i: should be used as the shield of oppressed hu- 
manity, and no longer as the jtyor^/ of wounding 
and extermination. Tiiis, to their enlightened 
eyes, was the "little ^.^oud" seen from mount 
Carmel, by the servant of Elijah the Tishbite, 
minutely rising from off the sea, " like a man's 
hand," \»hich was to water and revive, in alt 
ages, the plant of Liberty. 

This accompllshpd, they ** looked well to the 
ways of the houshold ;" they were not "careless 
■and secure ," they were tlie a(5tive, and ardent, 
i^\-\d. fast friends of Liberty; and tliey secured, as 
far as human prudence and prescience could 
secure, its blessings to posterity. They ga%'e to 
ViS political life, and the means ci-sential to its 
peaceful prestrvntion and improvement". 

This was the inestimable store of. political 
wealth, they solemnly bt:queath;fd to us : Shall 
wc forge: their blood- washed oarmcnis—shaU 



9— 

we be prodigal of the inhciitance ? These are 
the important items of their account against us^ 
Shall we fraudulently blot out the account ? 
Shall we shut up the book, and forget the obli- 
gation? Shall we misuse the deposit? "If ye will 
enquire, enquire ye ;" for here is the hinge upon 
which turns our massive individual and collective 
duties, our national prosperity and preeminence. 

From this view of the subje£l, it stands us in 
'hand to examine, whethtr things now remain as 
fhey were, when cur fathers were laid asleep — 
to scrutinize the governmental precedents since 
established, their bearing upon the principles of 
republican liberty, and t!ie purposes of the de- 
posit. Has government been used as the j-^/>// 
of oppressed humanity ? or has it been converted 

by oppressors, into a sword of wounding? 

What description of characters have used it as a 
shield of defence, and what characters have used 
it as a sword of otfencf, I purpose to examine. 

Ingenuity may dress lorovg in the habiliments 
of n'g/it, and tyranny may assume the robes of 
republican clemency ; but the disguise will never 
be concealed for any length of time. Their arts 
and address may at first dazzlcj but a familiar and 
clobe acquaintance, bedims the varniih of decep- 
tion, and exposes the reality. 
B 



— 10 

We have evidence, that llie effrontery o( 
party, may mike men audaciously j'ut on a 
tattered garment, a robe of patcli-uork, and 
eulogize if, as the mantle which ftU from the 

chariot of an ascending Washington! 

But the delusion is temporary — the unsopiilsti- 
cated mind of man will seek its level. 

A sentiment, imprecating religious intolerance 
and persecution, and which has its foundation in 
the Christian Religion, can be 'tortured into a 
tenet embracing a belief of twenty Gods, orno 
God — and by dint of clamor, may excite a hostile 
alarm and agitation; but the evil recoils with 
velocity upon the heads of those who gave 
currency and direction to the imposition — be- 
cause it will compel an enquiring and conbider- 
ate people, to examine the text, as well as its 
co'.nments. 

Thsse cases, like the stories of the Ocean 
Massacre, lUuminatism, and myriads of others 
which might be recited, where exposure and 
confusion frequently trod upon the heels of 
delusion, ought nnr, however, in their efFe(5li 
upon the boiiy politic, to be considered of a light 
and transient nature, but of a nature dangerous 
to the great purpose^ for which our privilegcfs 
were established— they are *'like loitering to*.-- 



11-^ 

err, which draw contiguous ruhi ;" and great 
and portentous is the danger, when the promul- 
gators are men to whom the people have givea 
official consequence. 

These are no ideal, or premature speculations i 
they are demonstrative fa<5^s — they are not left 
wiihont many witnesses, in that the practice 
ccntinueth to this hour. 

I would ask, if there is one in. this assembly, 
who has not evidence in his own, knowledge, 
that there is a class of men among us, that have 
by these acls, or by ten thousand similar or 
more disreputable impositions, endeavored to 
yigratiate themselves with the source of power? 
I would ask, if fertility in fabrication, zeal in its 
propagation and industry in exciting alarms, has 
not been the passport to offices, under the pat- 
ronage of Federal incumbents. 

This prostration of talents, if it does not 
amount to a full proof of an abandoned and 
vicious taste and disposition, and an attempt to 
turn the simple uses, and mild privileges of' 
freemen into a sword of wounding, is at least 
no desirable trait in the chara£ter of those into 
whose hands the charge of the deposit-- cf- our 
fathers is given. 



—12 

These impositions have the same stamp, the 
tame origin, and the same tendency, with those 
•* Lilliputian ties which bound us in the first 
slumbers which succeeded the labors" of the 
revolution; they then were the introduction to 
those more bold governmental precedents, de- 
signed to impose upon us the substance of the 
British government, a government, where public 
power is a sword, an instrument of sanguinary 
infliction, and where oppression rides upon the 
necks of its suffering subjeCts — a government,, 
whose insatiable love of domination has shed the 
blood of Americans, and from whom we were 
severed but thirty years ago : And yet, with 
astonishment be it spoken, this government has 
been the subject of American eulogy, and the 
eulogist, in consequence of this his predilection, 

made President of the United Stales ! After 

his investiture, he closed the book of revolu- 
tionary gratitude, and compassionate regard for 
the human race — he ascribed to this government 
whatsoever things are pure and wise, and inces- 
santly laboi'cd 10 assimilate our social regulations 
to it. 

No disj}osiiinn exists, neither is it necessary, 
to arraign for the purpose of reproach, the mo- 
lives of this admhiistralion, or the class of msu 



i^s— 

«'ho approbate its measures. — Butastateaient of 
fa6ts, and the obvious tendency of their condud 
and opinions, musr, from iis uaturc, be a mos£ 
cutting rebuke, a most pungent reproach. — 
Whenever a disquisition is made upon this head^ 
and the observations come charged with severity, 
it must be imputed to the subject- matter, and- 
not to any malignant desire to rcfleft upon, or 
exult over a vanquished enemy. But inasmuch 
as their measures had an evident tendency to 
privilege those in place, to stretch to the utmost 
the constitutional prerogatives of our Executive, 
and occasionally overstep its bounds, and to 
introduce anew the political heresies of those 
European governments, whose principles we 
had rejected — it is all-essential, all-important, 
their measures ?houkl be exhibited as an exam- 
ple, a lasting memorial to the people ; and it 
would be criminal tenderness to pavilion in 
silence their political extravagancies. 

The Federal Government was no sooner 
organized, than we were relieved from our ap- 
prehensions, rescued from a stormy and emi- 
nently hazardous situation, and placed in one 
incomparably better than had ever been known 
in this or any other country ; it was virtually a. 
ihieldj behind which the people found secunty.. 



And It would IfU'aiiably have been a barri'itp 
ag;ain5t encroachments, had every adminhtraiion 
under ir, been consonant to a liberal and fair 
co!istru£liou oi its provisions and requirements. 
In the prosjjcious srate of affairs which marked 
the morning of the FecieralGovcrnmenr, there 
'^c c men inseniible or indifferent to the bless- 
•ven-handed and liberally dispensed to us, 
:!.. :J\ this medium, and whodireclly discov- 
Ci\;d its only vulnerable point — to this their 
fiiergies were diredcd. A combination was 
formed, and ilieir leaders took rank as isith and 
credulity marshalled them. The reward fer 
service?, was the distribution of existing ofRces, 
which cculd be obtained by art andjsiirprJse; and 
the expectation of enjoying the advantages to be 
acv^uired, by an unfair and illiberal exposition 
of the constitutional allotment of power to th.e 
Executive — as by the increase of Executive 
power, patronage would be extended in an 
astonishing ratio ; and as subordinate c;i:cei 
multiplied in number, the whole gained propor- 
tionately in permanency. Thus, as in the 
parable of Jotham, *' fire came out of the bram-^ 
ble, and devoured the cedars of Lebanon." 

The watchword, of the coalition, was the 
kcCciency of Rfpiiblics ; and the want of 



15— 

energy in ours to prolong the terrnftiafion of its. 
existence. Undcubtcdiy, this would not long 
have remained a paradox, had it been as easy 
to flatter, subsidize and arrange the vices of man 
lo the purposes of private aggrandiseiDent, and 
the monopoly of power, in large agricuitiiral 
republics, as it is in small military and con:mer- 
cial ones. Bat the event has happily proved the 
ssberrion contrary to appearance atid reality. 

The republics that have bad their day, arise 
irirough the medium of history, and offer them- 
selves as examples, illustrative of the fatal ten- 
dency of the measures pursued by tiie coaiiticn. 
The local situation, as well as the manners of 
the age, 'in which one clasj of their, flourished, 
made it necessary, that their government and 
education should be military; which virtually 
amounted to a dismission of every useful em- 
bellishment of the understanding. Their cgii- 
cukural interests were so greatly subordinate 
that the tillage of the ground was considered a 
business suitable for their Helots or slaves, but 
unwortljy the pursuit of a freeman. Ti-ii 
sitiiation produced a restive and predatory spirit; 
made their freemen desirous of distinction, by 
the display of their dexterity in the then favorite 
art of war ; and v?hen it occasioncliy happened. 



— 15 

that conquest was satiated, the objeAs inviting 
10 the warrior diminished, and the arts of peace, 
like birds of passage, made their appearance ; 
their superior riches and flourishing condition, 
or the recolleftion of past injuries, invited 
aggression, from various surrounding warlike 
nations. A higli state of martial discipline, 
became of consequence essential to national 
safety, until the minds of tiie freemen, accustom- 
ed to this anti-republican subordination, were 
callous to independence. Hence it befei these 
republics, as it befals all military estab!i>hments, 
when they could not prey upon others, and 
otliers did not prey upon them, they preyed 
upon themselves ; aspiring geniuses seized the 
advantage this posture ofafi'airs offered them, 
and rose to preferment and unlimited power. 

The commercial republics that have existed, 
from thtir management, have solicited and /cic 
the same evih. They, like military republics, 
have been beasts of prey. The means have 
been variant, but their tendency invariably the 
same ; one caught their prey by open force and 
agili'.y— -the other compassed its objed by art 
and stratagem. 

Commercicd ascendancy, has ever corrup:ed, 
emasculated, and put to sleep, -the watchfulan*! 



17— 

independent spirit of rcpi>bli<ranisr.i ; cr by 
ccuntenaticing gradual Innovation and monopo- 
ly, has sapped iis energies. The ^^cS: was 
inevitable. Aristecracies arose. The jame 
predatory system was pursued; the same im- 
manent, corrupt disposition remained. Their 
divisions in tiirn lacerated and tore the vitals c( 
their ccuntry, and limited monnrchy or despot- 
ism, or entire subjugation by external encmief, 
closed the scene, ar.d their name has disappeared 
from the .map of nations, except to tell where 
ll>ey once flourished. 

ThQ mixed government of England, i: a 
compound of the evils of every govtrnmeiu ; 
of coarse, the most stupendous fabric of corrupc 
materials that tvhe ingenuity of man ever framed, 
Tor public use. 

But hers is a warning, al^.o, solemn and aufui. 
Ail the rights the people ever had, have been 
long since m.erged in ihe power, the corruptions, 
snd the excessive oppressions of government — 
it is now tottering to its fall; "fear trembles in 
its cement ;" and it is driving upon destruction, 
23 sure and rapidly as the advance of time, to 
its plunge into the ocean of eternity. Hencs 
the magnitude oi the evil — hence the turpitude 
of those whose measures have apprcximatsd our 
C 



— IB 

government to this.- •'Why did tliey seizp, 

with greedy hand, a liltie brief authority, to 
Introduce a military establishment ? — Why 
strengthen the commercial interes'-, by a mari- 
time establishment, at the expc-nce of ih.e farm- 
ing ? — Wherefore the policy of tlie confederacy, 
in introduciiig systems which have been so 
noxious to republics, and so friendly to the 
cncroachmenta of power, unlessit was to shorten 
the tenure of Republicanism, and cast a som- 
brous shade over the memory of our fathers. — 
It must therefore be recognized as a faft, that 
a combination, whose measures are manifestly 
prejudicial to agricultural ascendency, will have 
r.il the properties of an aristocracy, aud ali^he 
effects of a tyranny. 

This confederacy was proverbially " avari- 
cious freedom"— their whole system was to en- 
orocs and accumuiitt this treasure to themselves, 
and never to imj^ai t il« bcnciits to their fellovV- 
inen. 

Tl.ij coalition was composed of various de- 
scriptions of men. The first in order I tliail 
mention, are the most worthy and honest — thssc 
are the disciples of the OldSchoo!, the rpposers 
cf the revolution, who, in all their walks, have 
shewed themselves cons.iiutionallv uneasv *: 



the progr^is ofgene'ral and equal happiness, and 
who have ever bsen recognized as the same 
beings under the ntw system as the old — bigoted 
in their own way, they are obnoxious to im- 
provement, from the practical lessons of repub- 
licanism, and ii3capable of that broad and ardent 
philanthropy, which seizes, with affedionats 
ividitv, the first dawnings of liberty, as the 
advent of repose and happiness to man, as ti^e 
certain prelibation of t!;e amendment of his 
Condition. This part of the coalition took for 
their motto, Order. 

The remaining conslhui;nt parts of the coall- 
rlon, had a venal friendship for the revolution. 

The next in order come the new converts to 
'■'. e same antiquated and tyrannical dodrine 5 
liiey appealed in all the brilliance of wealth. — 
These had deviated from a rational estimate of 
things, in their superlative attachment to proper- 
ty, from its answering the purposes of European 
monarchical parade, and its becoming the pro- 
curator of resped in all governments, except 

Republics. From this irrational estimate of 

man, they soon found themselves insulated fron: 
the terra-firma of republics, and entered the 
nnfederacy against them — from these originat-^d 
:':ie motto, Proj^enj, 



—20 

The next in order were learned, ambiiiousy 
znd rash adventurers, who were fluslied with 
college notions of their superiority over the 
/aboring part of community — and upon this 
surreptitious importance, they rested their pre- 
tensions to distinction in government. Thf?e, 
in the early period of the revoluliwi, were Alex- 
anders and Ciesars, in their own conctption. 
Inflamed by reading the flu£liiations of power 
in Greece and Rome, they shed, like Caesar, 
"tears of ambiiiun," and were inebriated with 
the idea of suddenly raising themselves to future 
admiration and wonder, from the mistaken no- 
tion of the instability of republics. These 

candidates for renown, presumed too much upon 
their own consequence, and too little upon the 
intelligence they would have to encounter. — 
They otherwise deceived fhcmselve?, by ima- 
gining that the basis of a large Republic, was 
more fragile and subject to vicissitude, tiian a 
small Republic. In this, they *< embr::ccd a 
cloud instead of a goddess :*' they never refle<5l:- 
ed, that a representative agricultural Republic, 
r/as variant from a military one — or that it was 
easier to concentrate (he ir.fiucnces v.hich mp.ke 
for ambition, in a crowded population, than 
where it xas oitensive and scRtiered— cr.sier in a 



21 — 
I'ommercial city, than in the half of 3 coruinent. 
It is probable they found out their error, previ- 
ous to the organization of the coalition ; and 
that by entering into it, and siding against the 
rights of the people generally, they had an ex- 
pe<5iat!on of slowly but substantially acquiring 
that preferment, which, in their first start 
for the goal of ambition, they had expe£lcd 
would burst upon them suddenly, in fnH-orbed 
cfi'ulgence. But the imposition wa'^, like their 
I-ogic, too superficial. The inECiipticn of their 
order was, Learning and Talent!:. 

There was another portion, who, as Parson 
Osgood expresses it, were in "desperate cir- 
cumstances, and whose only hope of beitering 
them, is in revolutions of government/' the 
confusion and tumults of life. The motto of 
thtrir standard was, Honesty. 

Another very important description, consisted 
of commercial men, and British agents and 
subjects in the same business. — These had high 
and blooming expectations of reaping obvious 
and certain advantages, as will be more clearly 
seen from a synopsis of the objeCis and reason- 
ing of the coahtion : v.'hich were, to assimilate 
this government to the British, and to bring the 
niinds of Americans back to an acquiesc'vT.ce iix 



~-22 

ii)e despotic principles of tilt. Old School, whicii, 
in parr, corii.i>teU of a dcfereniial adoration of 
titles and proj)erty — And inasmuch as mental 
pre-eminence, and physical symmetry and- 
provi'e5^, co'ald not !>c miidc hereditary, these 
fniisf be. Ti;a: ib, because intrinsic wjrih and 
personal mtrir, cannot descend from father to 
son, veneration must be attached to ideal and 
i;ianii::aie things, which could be so m:;nag€d, 
r's to perpelnate family coiiseqiience, whether 
ircorrigibly vicious, or ideots. This could not 
be clfc6led, without creating a predatory spirit, 
to war with our institutions, morals, and habits. 
To engtfndtr this, our wholesome regulations 
must be feitercd with all the mysterious appara- 
tus of European policy — the establishment of a 
navy, a funding ^.y£tem, an army, and place- 
men, retainers, and expeftants. Preliminary 
to the achievement, and support of these 
assumptions, our sentiments of republican sim- 
plicity, and consiituiional afFc<5lion,. must un- 
dergo a radical change. To produce this 
change, the commercial interest mu>t furnish 
the greatest proportion of the contaminating 
materials,- which the genius of the outs and ins 
of tlie coalition, could form into engines of 
oppression and t^Tior, or modify to the purposes- 



25-^ 

of Tiscination. The result of cuch a state of 
things, would be an increased dtmand for the 
luxurious commodities of con*.merc^j, a lessenint; 
of risk from maritime prote(flion-"an enhance- 
ment of profits---a more close and cordial union 
of this inierest, with our own gover:;;yit:ir, to 
the great detriment of the ?.gricultural---and a 
sure pledge of British patronsg-. H:?re the.i 
were clustering benefits. These advaiiia<;es, 
wirh the aids of the banl.ingsy^:en:, and miiirary 
interes!-, were sufficient inducements for tneni to 
coalesce against the plain and unadorned manner* 
of republicanism. Their motto, hoviever, was 
Re/:uilicanism and Fivtus. 

But as the press, was an almost insuperable 
imped -miiit to the accomplishmsnt and perpe- 
tuity QiX these designs ; and as sedition and 
comm.on law, were in some respccfti inadequate 
to the work of suppression, a majority of the 
clergy must be listed in cffiet, who would turn 
their pulpits into ^* whitcd tepulchrt?^" end 
rostrums, for preaching the political religion of 
the confederates; otheraise it would be \-tVy' 
difficult to demoralize and to lead the people to 
rrdoptas legitimate,the substance oftiieBritisiigov- 
ernment, in exchange fortlieir iibertit5,ortoltave 
•the '^bimple Ui'js cf property/' fr vb^-e -usek-^s 



—24 

j^a^tantry of office, and the cumbrous grandeur 
of a wealthy nobility ; especially as their con- 
dition would be reduced to a level with that 
of a sumpter-muie, to move iu all the pride of 
harness, and to bear a burden which they could 
not tastt. This part of the coalition, the clergy, 
Were tlie only oncb dhir.terestcd^ and whose views 
rose above sublunary consideraticnj. But a 
refined humility, a sequestered life, a total 
inappetency to fading things, and their easy 
accommodating desires, did not qualify them 
cbstinarely xo withstand the earnest importuni- 
ties of artUil men, or to resist the bewitcliinor 
prcspe£t of church dignities, and sacerdotal 
emoluments.— -Tlie inscription on their flag, 
m'as Rsliglcn, in large and imposing chara£lera. 
Besides these classes of men, were others, who 
would rather government should be *' propped 
up'* on the " tottering footstool of imposiiion," 
ib?^\\ on the "solid basis of reason." And some 
who were dazzled with the glare of things, but 
who were too indolent to examine, u-ere ssPiSC- 
lesbly carried with the current, and served as 
dead weights in the opposite scale to fhe repub- 
lican. Hence the motlcrn definition of Fcderal- 
iiyn^ which means an affection for the ccalitio.i 
formed against the liberties of America. 



25— 

Hence it would appear, ihat thisanti-rcpub'Ican 
confederacy, in case th.°y assumed appropriate 
mottos, did possess, as they frequently have told 
U5, all the order, tiie property, the learning, the 
talents, the honesty, the republicanism, the_ 

virtue, and religion of the country. Tliis 

last observation might appear unimportant, if 
we had not experimental knovv'edge of the as- 
sumption of all this, by the party of which I 
am speaking; if we did not know that it has bad 
considerable effe6l on the minds of an American 
public—and that this same proposition has form- 
ed no inconsiderable part of the absurdities and 
delusions of the day. 

*' The business of sober philosophy, (says the 
author of the Vision of Columbus) is ohtn a 
task oi drudgery — it must sometimes listen to 
the most incoherent clamors, which must be 
unworthy ol its attention, did they not form a 
part of the general din, by which mankind are 
deafened and misled.'' 

Thtir first work towards the abandonment 
and final departure from revolutionary princi- 
ples, I repeat, was to enlist the passions, the 
prejudices, the haMts, the fashions, and the 
splendor*, incidental to, and congenial with, 
Aristocracy This finished w^ r^^-^nfnl re£ti- 

D 



—26 

tude, and external simplicity, in appearance, 
banished into t'.ie obscure walks of private life, 
or to the cottage of penury, by the substitution 
of their oppobires, external and fallacious signs 
cf merit, and individual pomp and magnificence; 
nothing remained to make it virtually so, but the 
cna£lion of la-:vs in derogation of the constitu- 
tion, and the manufacture of hereditary digni- 
ties, and badges of respeft, as the emblems and 
san<5lions of a government, unnatural and de- 
grading to the governed — a government which 
was to shield a few, and to be a szuorJ oi wound- 
ing to all others. 

Thus was a combination formed, which la- 
bored to bring back the sceptre q{ public pQ"jjer^ 
to the grasD of t) ranny from which our fathers 
M-rested it. A specification of the precedents 
adopted to compass this obje£l, and how nearly 
it was accon^plished--'and how the whole of 
their machinations, under Gz^i^ were frustatcd, 
and the sceptre of Public Powtr regained, and 
placed where the individual wishes, and ccllt<5^cd 
w iidom of Republicans desired ir, remai.;s t;: be 
shown. 

Although si^ns and tokens o\ revolt from 
Consliiulional grounds antecedently arpfared in 
pantominic, we consider if^.e British Treaty the 



27— 

^rst bold and dlsoraceful ad:^ taken by the coa- 
lition, for rc-u;iion with Great-Britain, and the 
snnihilation of American independence. This 
«as so palpably wron^ and humiliating^ 
that the prudent Washington declared, he 
never could consent to put his signature to it, as 
it v.'as---but the dc'Rction of his Secretary, di-* 
re6t)y after, so altered, in his estimation, the face 
of our foreign relation?, that he reluflantly 
signed it. The integrity of President Wash- 
ington, shock with fears the coalition, but did 

not relax their adilvity. In the course of 

carrying the Grenville Treaty into operation, 
two important constitutional points were bro'c 
under consideratiorj by the agents of the coali- 
tian, who were beiit uj)on trying whether the 
Constitution, the guarantee of liberty, possessed 
more potency than a clean piece of parchmentv 
The Constitution vests the right of regulating 
Gonnmerce in Coiigress, together with the right 
to make appropriations of monev."-The men> 
btrs of the confederacy in place, determined 
upon working the privilege of the People into 
Executive prerogative, now resolutely broke the^ 
ground of assumption, and contended violently 
for the principle, that the treaty-makiiig poweiT 
belonged ej^clusively and of right, to the Execi?-^ 



—28 

five— and the right to demand appropriations 
of CongrQs, to carry treaties into cue(5\. 

Admitting the clauses vcsring these c'accl; 
powers in Congress, were conched in general 
and ambigujus language ; they ought to have 
had a fair and liberal construflion ; and in case 
of inclination any way, it should have btun in 
favor cf privilege, and against prerogative. Bat 
in these cases, there was a bearing manifestly 
contrary to the obvious meaning of the clause, 
upon which the powers assumed v^trt predicated. 
Piesident Washington undoubtedly saw, with 
mournful anticipation, the formidable current 
of innovation *' roll the ruin onward ;"---but, 
shrunk from the burden of opposition whicli 
was necessary to resist its progress, and stay its 

ravages. Advanced in life, he could not 

•* breast the shock." Tired of the cares incident 
to the presidency in ordinary times, he retired to 
private life, accompanied, no doubt, with the 
secret exultations, if not the advice and threats 
of the coalition-cabinet— for they trcm!')Ied at 
his lofty atiitude and firmness, on the first arrival 
of the Grenvillc Treaty, and dreaded the weight 

of his name, in case of open opposition. • 

Besides, his full coincidence with ti:eir views, 
was not to be txpciflrd, witliout a dcrdiction 






29^ 

rroai his former sentiments, iv;;a3Ut a total 
relinquishment of the merits of liis military ser- 
vices, and the advantages gained by the virluc 
and heroism of our fathers. 

The appointment of a succesecr, the promi- 
r.e-nt traits of whose political chara6ler, were his 
high-imbued predikftion to the British govern- 
ment, and hostility to Republicanism, which, -in 
his estimation, " meant any thing and nothing," 
tvas a consummation, equally iiFiportant as the 
decline of Mr. Vv''aihington. 

Among the instances of power surrcjititiouily 
acquired by the Adamite administration, we 
may rank the Alien Law, which gives to thz 
Executive the p<,>ver of sending emigrants out 
of the country, at his pleasure, who fled from 
tlie tyranny of Europe. 

This Is evidently contrary to the plain lan- 
guage of the Constitution, and very remote from 

any thing ever contemplated by its framers. 

They, with the tenderest impulsions of human- 
ity, and under the mildest beamings of ccmciis- 
eration and compassion for the sufferings of 
human nature, in every clime, offered to the 
** stranger and sojourner" an asylum, *' com- 
mensurate with, and inseparable from," the 
American soil---and, I presu:ne, little thought, 



— 30 

that ere the banner of renown had waved over 
ihcir tor.i'js f(;r the sj i;ce of twenty years, 
Amf:riLan humanity should havcCtiinese metes 
and bounds, and national liberality be narrowed 
down to the caprices and antipathies of aa 
iiulividual. 

The corr.cVness of what I have said will not 
be doubted, when I mention Rufus King's 
(.ffii^ic^l letter, written in answer to teriain ap- 
plications made hhr, for the purpose of ubiain- 
ing permission to emigrate to this country— - 
la this letter, lie sav^, that the admisiiion and 
residence of foreigners, exclusively belonged to 
the PrcsidtjU. He further gives us the key 
which unlocks the intentions of the coalition, 
in the beitowment of this power— when h* says 
in substance, that in consequence of his interfer- 
ence, he received advice'^, giving him as:urance^, 
ihat a particular description of persons in Ireland 
should not be allowed to emigrate, without our 
consent---take notice of the'impei ial words, our 
ctnsent /---because a large propcriion of the emi- 
grants from Ireland, arranged themselves on the 
side of tlic w<3/ron/c7.'//, (meaning the republicani) 
a French parry, who had become more formidable 
tlian could have been api'rehended, which required 
great watchfulntib &::.<5t;v ity Uqt:. ihe gcvernmeM 



51— 
to repress. Hence this law was i-ntcnded to put 
down the republicans who were not natives, 
from a jealousy they would join malcontent 
republicans in the United States. 

To curb native republicans, raise the crea- 
ture above the creator, and prevent tlitf strifl- 
iires of the people upon tlie measures of their 
agents, the enadion of a sedition la.v, out of 
unconstitutional po-«'er, was necessary. Tr.c 
weaker advocates of this law, claimed for its 
basis, a mere quibble between the words regu- 
latinz and restraining ; but its ablest advocate^, 
have resorted to the coniprehensive doctrine of 
implied power, as a justification. This, how- 
ever, to the unsophisticated sense oi mankind, 
does not amount to a possible justifijation, for 
the 3(51 is obviously in violation of the received 
2nd plain meaning of the constitur.ional claue, 
upon which it is predicated. I shall not be 
contradiifted, when I say this law, was un'.vorthv, 
^was unlike our ancestors ; was ai.ti-republicaa 
in its principles, and was oppressive in its ope- 
ration. It had not the firm and serene look of 
our primitive patriots — but the angry and leer- 
ing look of a despot. If any one <J(;ubrs it, I 
P-ppeal to the men who have seen informers, 
greedily, and invidiou.j^ly hunting up vii"tiai3 ; 



—32 

who have seen judges, giving judgment, and 
passing sentence of condemnation, with all the 
sourness nnd severity of angry justice— who 
have seen c.iecutive officers inflift the sentence 
ofthelau', in all the vindiclive paroxisms of 
eruehy, ar,d the poor Republican vi6lim caged, 
** sick and in prison," because he would n6t 
offer up deferential adulation, or doubted a Utile 
less, or a little more, than the government 
standard. 

The next obnoxious feature, is the A^tny 
t^Mblis'^men*. 

An army is a proline source of evil, a grand 
engine of de?.potism---and never has there been' 
an instance, where a standing army regularly 
maintained, failed of rendering the government 
independent of the people. It is a distinfl in- 
terest from the people. It is arming the worst 
class in scci.ty, against the most meritorious.-— 
Its ranks are neve i tiil>;d with tl-.e independent 
farmer, or the inelustrlous artizan — it is the 
indolent and dibsipattd part of the communitv, 
whose names are heard in the roll-call — ihese 
become incorporated with tlie govt-rnment- — 
they become manr.geable or turbulent beings-— 
in either case, they are snbverters of liberty — 
they cither support the governing power, or 



33— 

lift to supremacy their favoiUc officer. Ic Is 

idle to say, Americans had not a standing army, 
but 2i provisional one. ---The argument is decep- 
tious. In England, the introduction of this 
odious establishment, was under the designation 
of the Kin7*s life-guard, and a Parliamentary 
army— Therefore, if it shews any thing, it is the 
art of the confederacy, and iheir preposterous 
imitation of British policy. 

The cardinal duty of the soldier* of an army, 
is submission to their officers — prompt and 
implicit obedience ;"-andas they are submissive 
without resistance to the orders of officers they 
do not appoint — are gviverned by fear — they 
think the citizen in like manner, without a why 
or wherefore, should implicitly obey the gov- 
erning powers in the civil department. Tiic 

officers of an army are frequently servile, venal 
beings; they regard theaiselves under personal 
obligation to the governing powers, and depend- 
antupon their will, for the tenure of their officesj 
they therefore consult the interest and inclina- 
tion of the government, follow with readiness it* 
diredions, and support its adls and opinion?, 

however repugnant to general happiness. 

Kence the predileflion of monarchies for this 
establishment — hence the experiment in Ameri- 
E 



^34 

ca. It was not raLcd as a defence agaui^: 

foreign invaders, but to war with the friends and 
principles of Liberty — not against foes without, 
but foes within. Appendant to th's estallish- 
nent, are alluring offices, posts, jol)s, and con- 
tracts, for the pariisans of government 



)nor' 



Great God of Justice ! How ought our abl 
rence to grow as we advance upon the subject, 
SkS we see the cocilition arising in its difFtrent 
attitudes ! 

The maritime a<ft, is one of the main pillars 
in thegovtrnment-h'uuse of the coalition. The 
establishment of a navy is produftive of more 
diflfiisive, yet Litent evils, of course attaches to 
itself more plausibility. A navy is osrensibly, 
a.:d in a great measure really is, established for 
the prolecTiion of commerce. A naval apparatus 
is also variously useful to a government hostile 
to Liberty — it gains over to a man the commer- 
cial interest — it is the stamina of a standing army, 
because it " multiplies the chances of incipient 
disputes." — Government, through this medium, 
hasniorcopportuniiicsto enter iiito *'enranglir^ 
alliances" with belligerent powers, thereby pro- 
voking hostility, and inducing the nccessiiy of a 
standing army. — No government, in its first 
jtart to despotism, would have tl-.c prciumi'iion" 



35— 

• laise troops, withcut some real motive, or 
uftitious alarm from exterior causes. A n&vj 
furnishes both, or either of these pretexts, sud- 
denlv, and in any governmental en:ergency ; 
because government with a navy can seek in all 
regions, occasions for offence, but without a 
navy it must wait until the opportunity offers 
itself. The men which compose the maritime 
strength, are as much subservient to the gov- 
ernment, as those which compose the military ; 
and its Internal subordination, is vastly more 
rigid and despo:ic— -therefore, was open force 
necessary to uphold a system of governmental 
usurpation, and put down opposition, a navy at . 
their beck, commands at once, the pcpuior.s 
sea-port towns of America, and ceoperates with 
the army. To this system are a very consider- 
able nuiDber of offices, posts, jobs, and contrafts 
attached, for gaining adherents to government. 
To enlist on the side of government another* 
interested class of men, money was borrotved 
at an usurious rate of interest. This was bene- 
ficial in strengthening the funding system---it 
was a new ligament, drawing closer the com- 
mercial, maritime, and military interests. li: 
made more job and c>^ntra£l work, and thu3 
nas instrumental in gaining over or iilencinj 



— 26 

anii-partizans, and rewarding the adherents of 

jovernment. 

To secure the praises and support of ihe 
bigoted, their scruples must be obviated ; and 
to obviate these, the appearance and repu^atio.i 
of sanclity became essential : hence, the religious 
blandishments of the coalitJon---hencc their at- 
tention to the outward forms of religion, to fast 
and thanksgivii^g ordinances, r.nd outward re- 
spect for the clergy, preference of religious 
character?, and exclamations against infidelity 
and atheism. 

There were many unofficial a<fts necessary 
to make the sanftions of government of force 
and operative upon the minds of the timid and 
ignorant. Hence, the vehement denunciations 
against thos« opposed to thtm — hence the vo- 
ciferous invefiives against the republicans, 
stiiing them enemies of government, seditious 
disturbers, and dangerous disorganizers-— hence 
the attempts to attach obloquy to allwiio pre- 
sumed to animadvert upon the hostile tendency 
of their measures ;— from this source too is 
deduced the amaring inundation of adulatory 
addresses from the parlizans of government, and 
the complacent answers vouchsafed in return. 
The dignified doctrines of the rirhts cf man, 



57— 

and the sovereignty of the people, were heiu up 
by the managrrsof the day, as tenets cf reproach, 
they derided them as the extravagant chimeras, 
the mad theories, of an infuriated and inSdci 
rabble ;— and wagging their heads, pointed the 
finger of scorn a: their advocates. Grades and 
distinctions entered into every village, ^thcdoors 
of social intercourse were shut against ali, whose 
language and opinions were not implicitly and 
adiively coincident with the government. Thus 
the lovers of rank and etiquette sided with therr, 
and the interested and the ignorant, ihe dissipated 
and the bigoted, found themselvcrs *' heads and 
points in the same truckle-bed.'* 

Taking advantage from the experience of past 
eras, the errors and miefortunes of Republics, 
sod improving upon the pclitical chicanery of a 
Blachiaval, a Richlieu, and a Pitt, they formed 
the most subtle and well barricaded coaiiiiont, 
that ever was previously formed for the enslave* 
rcentcfman. Trusting to the short comires 
cf republicans, they burst the cloud which had 
covered their designs. Thus in the mcinent of 
surprise and astDnibhment which succeeded their 
introdu^ian, the rapidity and celerity of their 
movements, were fast usurping a reign over u?, 
and undermining the foundsticn of our liberties; 
thus -a little territory ciily lay between us arid 



— 38 

the wasres ci tyranny- -what a blast would its 
Siroc w incl. have bronchi upon the rich blessings 
of Heaven !---how would it have dissipated the 
inheritance of our fathers ! 

Heroes and S.iges of our revolution, little did 
y<'U think, ihal berore the lapse of twice tea 
years, a faction ivould arise, who exultingly 
could see these mon'-.trous reptiles of tyranny, 
coilinc; with tremendous velocity around the 
f*ir form of Liberty, and feel no hurror, na 
coinpuncllor., not even compassion. 

Fellow Cilizenj, I do not exaggerate — Fedc- 
ralibm meditated the defilement and death of 
Liberty, and we were brought to the very vcrgt 
of its terrible and ignominious reality : But 
Provide n«e traced their parricidal steps through 
the night of Republicanism, disclosed their 
intentions, but stayed the aftuat perpetration of 
the crime. The political watchmen of America 
were upon their watch-towers, they were in 
their wards whole nights— they were inquired 
of in all the four winds of Heaven, watchmen, 
what of the timss ? — The night was long and 
dismal — but the republican day-star arose reful- 
gent, and on the 4th of March, 1801, their 
morning came. The coalition chief had retired 
in night. Our much-loved institutions, knewr 



55-^ 

renovation-— the undulations of tyranny cea-ed, 
and harmony was restored to social intercourse. 

V7r are now reposing on the bjsom of x 
government, bland, wise, and concilia'ory.--- 
The very opposite to the one just spoken of--- 
Tiie sovereignty of the people is recognized and 
operative — Executive patronage ^\A prerogative 
have sought a republican level — tlie state gfW- 
crnments, are more respe^led and vigorous — • 
ihe judiciary establishment is reduced to reason- 
able bounds, and the course of justice, resum- 
ing the even scales, is restored to dignity — tiie 
sinking credit of the nation is recovered, and all 
the various concerns of the Republic, have 
generally ftit Its invigorating, its benign and 
chary influence. We conten:pIare this admin- 
istration as a shield. Imbued v.ith the spirit of 
^ySf we see protei?^ion and defence, beam forth 
in everv a«5V — we see all the cherub charities of 
life, arranged as component parts. What arc 
the splendid trophies of ancient or modern vic- 
tors, compared with those bloodless ones which 
grace our republican triumph of i8ci ? 

Yes, fellow Citizens, you passed sentence of 
condemnation up^n the measures of \\,tfedtral 
administration, and in that sentence have declared 
your detestation of the principles, that a standing 



—40 

army is necessary to rcndcf govern ment energetic j 
that investigation is more free and salutary, while 
confined within the bounds of a sedition law, and 
that fines and imprisonment are the most fit means 
to inculcate sound opinion, and an independent 
republican spirit. You have evinced a disrelish 
for those monarchical manners and distinflions, 
which were fast usurping a reign over us— -you 
have declared your abhorrence of, and deep 
distress at, the repeated instances of individual 
oppression and cruelty, in beating, and bruising, 
and offering every indignity to those individuals, 
who amidst the tempest of tyrannic rage, and 
the threatenings of exasperated ambition, dared 
to be freemen. Let these things be enstam;:>cd 
on your memory, in chara<5lers deep and indeli- 
ble, which no time, no situation, and death only 
can efface. 

On the measures of the first term ot the present 
administration, you have likewise formed your 
opinion —you have passed judgment--Yo'u have 
declared your approbation of the arrangements 
made to pay our national debt, of the abrogation 
of the excise law, of the abolition of a number 
of supernumerary offices, and the consequent, 
retrenchment of expense, and the repeal of the 
judiciary system-*- You have felt dignified with 



41— 

the name of American, when yon have reflt<Ste<i 
upon the just and benevolent CGndu<5t which 
has been pursued towards European nations, 
and cur savage neighbors. You have rejoiced, to 
see the attachment to republican simplicity and 
Hianners, exhibited in the condu<5l of your public 
officers — to see the right of discussing public 
measures and charaders restored, and the most 
shameful slanders pass unnoticed, and left to the 
decision of the cnly legitimate tribunal, the 
People. With joy you have seen a return of 
social harm»ony, and neighborly intercourse, 
uninfefled with the poi:.Gn of distindtion, and 
party enmity. 

All these things you have examined and tested 
by the unerring standard of experience. The 
measures of the last session, whose effects are yet 
to be felt, and the utility of which has not bceii 
proved by experience, you have yet to watch. 
But I leave this exhilarating bubje6l, to draw 
some improvement from the wilderness-times 
which preceded the JefFersoiiian period. 

After the to''" of our first revolution, naturally 
Luccecded a "od of relaxation and slumber. 
It was at this jun<5lureihat a confederacy against 
the people began to form itself, w hich well nigh 
compassed the death cf our iastitutionse SiuGC 
F 



—-42 

our second bloodless rcdtnipiion, \vc arcrcsllnj 
from our labors. But are we not too much in- 
clined to slumber? Have we nothing now to 
ftar ? Are w'e exempt from tlie danger of a 
nc'.v conspiracy ? Is it to beexpe£led, that the 
leaders of the coalition, exasperated at their own 
folly, and continual defeats, will become sincere 
converts to republicanism ? They were, like 
Festiis, "deaf to the words of truth and sober- 
ness"— Is it likely they wiil be restored to re- 
publicsnlsmi to truth, and n'oueration ? — No, 

they will not, they cannot, fellow-citizens 

They have waded so far into the waters of inno- 
vation, that they find it easier to go on, than to 
go back.— The Italian singer is easily deprived 
cf his masculine faculties, but who shall oivx 
him Ijack his virility ?-— Innocence is more easily 
seduced and corrupted, than restored to primi- 
tive purity. Exadliy parallel is the situation of 
the man devoted by interest and habit to aris- 
tocracy. The season of rem^orse is past. Like 
Caesar, he has waded the Rubicon — he has 
passed that bourne frcm \vh..iCe no political 
iraveller returns. 

Let not the lustre of the present administra- 
tion, obscure the memory of the past, or divert 
jou from prcparatio:i for the future. — Lrt not 



43— 

h'le stillness and placidity of public feeling de- 
ceive you, or make the monitions of .prudence 

appear stale and unnecessary. With what 

facility do individuals fabricate arguments to 
support beliefs and acftions, which are most con- 
sonant to their own inclinations, and particular 
interests ? When private interest or inclination 
interfere with public duties, how a<5live is Ihc 
mind in inventing subterfuges to silence the 
whisperings of conscierice ? How soon do the 
firm'Wrought systems of reason, vanish before 
the fictions of artful evasion, suggested by inter -^ 
est or ambition ? On no subje£l do we see this- 
principle mure fully exemplified, than in that of 
politics. Those who are accused of a want of 
jiclivity and attention, will shield themselves by 
saying, "it does no good to make exertion j 
man is naturally a tyrant, and it is impossible 
to guard against tyrannic ads." Tell the man 
who is fond of distin^lion, that it is essential to 
•ur government, to preserve a simplicity of 
manners, and that it is the duty of every one to 
endeavor, not only by persuasion but example, 
to introduce and observe republican habits : He 
will reply, that distindions will always exist iii 
society, and it is vain to attempt to change the 
r^ature of -man, -—It must be ;\i:h mclanchoK> 



— 44 

that the friend of govcrnmsnt bears such senti- 
ments. Shall we then make no approachei 

towards a state of perfeftTbiliry, because we can 
never expert to arrive to a state of perfection?' 
Shall we ceas? ro combat with vice, because we 
cannot entirely destroy it ? Shall we,, because 
we cannot destroy the seeds of tyranny, not 
attempt to retard their growth ? Shall we not 
strive to reform abuses in government, because 
we cannot render it invulnerable to the attacks 
of its enemies ? Imperfc^ions are the inseparable 
concomitants of humanity, yet man is endowed 
with a capacity to be continually lessening and 
corre^ing them. 

Hence results the great duty of man, to be 
continually marching on in the rond of indus- 
trious study and investigation, and unceasingly 
engaged in purifying himself from error. 

All governments necessarily contain some 
seeds of evil, and their excellency is in propor- 
tion to their exclusion of these, and their means 
of preventing their growth.— Hence results the 
duty of freemen-. -although we cannot root out 
all evils from government, yet we must be con- 
tinually lessening their number, and sofrening 
their elfe^ls, unseduced by the aliurcments of 
private gain, or the solicitations of ambition — 



45— 

iiot suffering the gloom of despair tp unnerve, 
or the dazzling of success to blind. The true 
Republican holds on his way, with a zcsl that 
" never tires," and a determination that always 
ensures success. 

AmDng the mostimportanl duties of freemenj 

is the selecting their public officers on the 

faithful discharge of which depends the existence 

of ©ur constitution and liberties. The will 

of the people, is the only legitimate law of our 
country ; and this -wm is to be known by agents 

chosen by the people therefore^ the right of 

the people to ele£l these organs of thtir will, is 
the foundation of republicanism^ the soul of ©ur 
political body, which regulates every movemenr, 
and shapes every measure cf our government.--- 
If the people are sufficiently attentive to their 
intefests, latvs will bean exa6t^ transcript of their 
v,i\\ ; but if, through their negligence, or de- 
ception, persons areelefted, whose opinions £.re 
not coincident with theirs, or who abuse their 
confidence, laws then become mere regulatio- ;> 
of individual interest or ambition. --To discharge 
this right, then, requires the most unceasing, 
ardent vigilance, and careful observation, the 
most watciifu^and piercing inspecftion into the 
«jiara£ters,aadse 'timents,cf candidates for cfSce> 



—46 

The dissimLjIailo*l and arts that arc iTiC^dt us? 
cf, to conceal real sentiments from the public 
tve, or cloak them under a popular f ar"^, render 
the people more liable to deception aiid iinposi- 
rion, on this, than any other subje6l.---In timts 
of great national agitation, when questions of 
ffcat importance are before the public, the 
necessity of energetic aftion, and determined 
cpinicn, will not sufTcr individuals to maik and 
tlisgnise their principleS"-and the warmth of 
feeling occasioned, fully evinces the charafler 
2*k1 sentiments of all; hence the boundary line 
between individual opinion, is easily drawn. — 
But when the waves of disseniion have subsided, 
and a calm ensues, the individual assumes an 
;ltered asp c£b, a different appearance j — his 
zeal becomes relaxed, and no longer urge* 
him to an exposure of his principles ; — 
he can now adjust them to answer the various 
ends, which interest or ambition may suggest-— 
Tind thus his real sentiments beccme disguised^ 
r.nd unknown. 

Docs not the history of our own country, 
furnish an illustration of this position ?— -When 
a few years since, cur nation «as convulsed by 
ihe throes of tyrannic madnc3s--when usurpation 
had defaced the fairest features of cur constitu- 



47-^ 

lij 1, ?,nti (Jomestic oppression was fast chasing 
s'.vay the pure principles of re;ublicaiiism, aud 
the awful decision makirg, that uas totieterminc 
its fate-- -there was no neuiral grcund^ the senti- 
nicntS'Ofall were written on their forehead?, 2nd 
the line of separation wasdiscoverable to all. Eat 
when justice and libtrty had once more resumed 
their empire, dispersed the cloud that seemed 
ready to burst upon us, End brought in their 
train, order and tranquility, and introduced 
the present cahm and flourishing state of affairs, 
do we not see an immediate change in the con- 
duct of persons? In some, an apparent indif- 
ference; in others, a feigned moderation, who 
are continually deploring the eSecls of party spirit, 
and representing that there is no difference of 
opinion between the two great parties in the U. 

States, and advising a coalition. Behold here, 

says the RepuMican, whose faith, like a real 

Christian, worketh by love Behold here, the 

Man of Sin ! The intelligent expositor of 

Scripture, dees not say tlie Man of Sin is the 
open and boisterous opposer of Christianity---:t 
is the neutral, lukewarm, pretended, and hypo- 
critically candid professor, who, undT the robe 
of his profession, and the convolutions of its 
folds, conceals a deep and deadly er-7rfy. Ju^t 



— 4S 

so in .the poliiical Blble--:he man of j/«, Is no: 
the open Federalist, the decided opposer ; it is 
the deceiving, hesitating, indecisive professor ; 
it is he who pays lip-service to candor and mod- 
eration, who takes the rear ground, and waits t« 
be dragged or pushed into adlicn, against the 
adversaries of republicanism. The chastity of 
the Republican who hesitates, is lo3t. 

Sut are the People to be entrapped by the 
iCobweb stratagems of the Man of Sin ? Do they 
not see, under the coverings of candor and mo- 
deration, concealed artifice and intrigue ? Can 
twcty be iTLius Lo believe, that the difference be- 
tween the parties is all imaginary, and solely 
occasioned by the blindness of indiscriminating 
zeal ? — and that the a<5lors in past scenes of 
tyranny, would not now re-acl the same part, if 
opportunity presented ? ^ 

In examining the fitness of a candidate for 
ofSce, we must view him while invested whh 
power, or in times of national distress and alarmi 
and his conduct then must be made the standard 
of our decision. The sentiments of individuals 
on any particular subjcil, may be discovered by 
their manner of expression, and adion, and their 
-opinions upon collateral subjects ;— for so me- 
chanically do the out'.^ aid tokens of the mind, 



49— 

adjust themselves to the emotions within, that 
it requires more than common art to impose 
upon the discerning. If a person feels a warm 
attachment to a particular objcdl, his fondness 
will manifest itself in every a6t, relative t© 
the objcft of his affection, and even the linea- 
Jiients of his countenance will mark the images 
of his mind. Thus in personal friendships, the 
cheerfulness and alacrity with which assistance 
li bestowed on a friend in distress, the delight 
which a brightened countenance exhibits at his 
prosperity, and th.e commiseration and ovsrfio-.v- 
ing sorrow, which accompany him in distrejj, 
irresistibly discover afTcclion au^ love. 

Here is a proper criterion to test the attach- 
ment of persons to our government ; and if we 
apply it at the present period, the rral aiidySr^- 
Ufi/ie^I (nend to the con?*itution maybe discov- 
ered. If we search for the true Republican, 
not contenting himself with giving a cold, the- 
oretical assent to the principles of our govern- 
ment, he will be known by the fervency of his 
zeal, and an unwearied attention to the duties of 
a citizen and a freeman — ever at his post — 
always vigilant — a rock amidst dangers and 
persecutions. He will rejoice at every advance 
in national happiness—and if vice and corruptioii 
G 



ihall have found their way into our governmcn*^ 
an unfeigned grief, an earnest anxiety, an un- 
ceasing aftivity to promote a remedy, fuUy 

evince his attachment. If wc search for the 

opposite charafter, the man of //», though undefw 
the veil of pretended attachment, hostility wil! 
look forth from his eye — with churlish and 
officious zeal he will dwell upon the errors of, 
and defe6ts in, government ; and if compelled 
by the justice or popuhrity of any measure, t« 
a/t/ilaiiJf his coldness of manner and expression, 
will plainly shew it is ttie effect of necessity and 

not of joy. Which. of these descriptions of 

people, is it, that are continually sounding in 
our ears, the people are unfit to be intrusted 
u'ith power?— who are continually ridiculing 
this fundamental principle of republicanism, 
that the people are the only ;;roper judges of the 
measures pursued, and the conduct of public 
officers? — -Can lie be a frierid to that system, 
who discredits the foundation en which it ifi 
built? Are they the enemies or friends of our 
government, who delight to dv^ell upon the 
inconsistencies and ingratitude of republics? If 
it the true republican, that we daily witness, 
lamentingthnt there is no stimulus to genius, no 
iJicentive to ambition, incurjovcrnment j and 



Si— 

^sdainfully spcaidfig cf Arrjerican genius and 
literature, and drawing insidious comparisons 
between this and other governnients ? Let the 
people, as they value the past sufferings of Re- 
publicans, be sure they give to this class of men 
no official consequence. 

Let cold hearted, plodding pedants, and friends 
•f monarchy, delight in degrading American 
literature and genius i let them ridicule the 
simplicity of the American government., habits^' 
and manners, because divested of those tinselled 
ornaments, and mystical coverings, which serve 
only to insnare and deceive, and which give 
birth to the necessity of confining the manage- 
ment cf government, to the hands of particu° 
lar men, who can then impose themselves upon 
, the world, as men of superior wisdom and vir° 
tue — who can rise on the ruins of truth— = 
become celebrated by prostrating the noblest 
faculties of man — and by shutting the door to 
investigation, efieftually guard against an 
exposure of their villainies. Let them take 
pleasure in contemplating Egyptian science and 
splendor, or Babylonish magnificence ,*-Let 
ahem forget the proud trophies of American 
patriotism, valor, and science, which in thirty 
years, has lifted a few weak and divided colonifSj * 



— 52 

from the lap of igacrancc and despotism, to the 
rank of Freemen, and the foremost seats in the 
Temple of Science, -to wander in the ^classic 
fields of Greece, and Rome, and there repose 
wiih unsatiated deligh!:, and undiscerning vene- 
ration, upon the monuments of Grecian and 
Roman arts and sciences, and undisturbed en- 
joy the gratification of eulogizing their poet', 
orator?, and philosphers — of admiring their 
Jaws, customs and manners. Let them deplore, 
that the splendid eras of a Pericles, and August- 
us, arc past — that no Phidias or Correggio exisf, 
t© give to the marble and canvas, animation and 
life — yet, let them reflect, that amidbt this 
blaze of science, a great part of the people were 
in the most abject state of ignorance and 
wretchedness; incapable of judging of its utility, 
or appreciating its worth. 

It is the boast of every genuine American, 
that in his country alone, science has become 
subservient to public utility, the handmaid of 
yirtue, the promoter of sound morality, and 
the bestower of public and private happiness. 
That it is not here a transient blaze, that bright- 
ens along the path of adulation, or illumes the 
road ot despotism — that polishes the chains of 
the despot, and renders his subjeds the more 



53— 
willing vi(^iin3 — 'but that it sprea-Jb Its banquet 
to all, and invites them to become nartakeis — 
that ilkc the ele£lric spr.rk, it shoots throue'i 
every msmbtir of our political bcAy, givinp; 
health and vigor to the whole — penetrates the 
veil of life, relieves despairing distress and suffer- 
ing virtue — removes the rtil of ignorance, from 
the indigent, and becomes si main pillar in the 
Fabiic of Freedom. 



FINIS. 



A HYMN, 

For TUE 4th of ivzr, 1806. 

BT M. SBLDEN. 

Tunc— ik/btt«/ yeiMon, 

— <y"^ — 

TO GOD, our sovereign Lord, m'c raisr, 

The loudest aiilhems of our praise, 

And all his wond'rous dealings tell : 
Who taught our fathers to withstand 
Their foes, subdue and till the land, 
And here in peace securely dwell. 

He made their flocks and herds increase^— 
Their friends had rest — their children peace^^^ 

He made their corn and wine o'erfiow ; 
The rarest sweets of distant shores, 
Were safciy wafted to their doors. 

And blessings crown'd their toils belowr. 

But wicked men, who pined to see, 
Their neighbors ha/ijiy^ blesi^ and free^ 

Beheld our sires with envious eye ; 
Their fleets and armies cross'd the waves. 
To conquer, spoil, and make them slaves, 

And drench the land in crimson dye. 

Then heaven-born freedom fired the soul, 
They stood unmov'd above control, 

And dar'd the champions to the field ; 
He taught their hands with dreadful might, 
To aim the deathful javelin right — 

And make the murd'rous minions yield. 



It 



55- 



Then iNDifEWDENci, babe of Heav'n, 
The choicest good tO mortals giv'n, 

Was iuirs*d in youthful robes, and hlest ^ 
The JftfantgttWy in love with men — 
Our God vouchsaf'd htu watchful ken — 

And ev'iy age the youth garest. 

The aged worshiped near the shrine, 
'With sacred gifts — and songs divir.e — 

And pour'd the rich libations forth — 
'While shouting millions rais'd the vi>icc — 
Ti)' immortal offspring was their choice-— 

Far from tl>c souihward to the riorti*. 

rFair P€acei desccnded-from above, 
And bade the slaughtering foe remove— 

Their hostile bands re-cross'd the main,^ 
She hover'd o'er her infant brood, 
Attended ev«jy step with good, 

And all the land had rest from pain. 

The aris and sciences prevail'd— - 
The deep arcana was assailed — 

Discoveries bade the leaves unroi : 
When Man is free, bis soul's inclin'd 
As much to aid the human mind, 

As the touch'd needle seeks the pole, 

T\\% /tarty tool^ the crouching slave^ 
The king^ the lord^ and princely knave, 

Are ieagu'd, at war with every good j 
Their sordid vicws---their mean piirouit?^ 
■Debases men below the brutes. 

And robs the toihorrie hand; of ioo/j.- 



—56 

The wretch, who dar'd to rob the shrine, 
InscribM " 7» Liberty divine^** 

Shall be accurst---his name shall rot-— 
And all x.htfc'w his rank! caa boast, 
S!:all seek Oblivion's haggard coasr, 

III gloomy silence lie lorgot. 

But wc will praise th' Almighty Thou, 
Who broke the snare, and Itt us through— 

And made the wily Towler flee : 
And call'd his favori'tC Son*" to reign, 
Ove;- the fertile, vast domain 

O/ those, who nobly would be free. 

I.c* ev'.-y voice with loud acclaim. 
Join \u\\ to laud Qxn Maker's name; 

His love, to ail the nations tell ;— 
Tliat ev'ry peoJiUy sea, and land^ 
Tic sweets of peace may soon command, 

And Independence with them dvvell. 

* Ml. JlFFERtON. 



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